- Posted March 4, 2014 by
This iReport is part of an assignment:
Protestas en Venezuela
Middle Classes Fuel Venezuela's Revolt
Even the start of a week-long national holiday on Thursday, to culminate in the March 5 anniversary of former president Hugo Chavez's death from cancer, has not stopped the demonstrations — or the government's tear-gas response.
What began almost a month ago as a student protest over a sexual assault in the western state of Táchira has now spread throughout the country and into the wealthier communities where people are fed up with rampant crime, a shortage of things like toilet paper and inflation running at over 50 per cent.
A protest against President Nicolas Maduro's government in Caracas March 3, 2014. Jailed Venezuelan opposition leader Leopoldo Lopez urged sympathizers on Monday to maintain street protests against President Nicolas Maduro as the country's foreign minister prepared to meet the United Nations Secretary General. The banner reads,
The month-long clashes between, initially, the student demonstrators and the security forces of President Nicolas Maduro have left, as of Friday,17 people dead directly from the violence and over 260 injured, the government said. But to get the full idea of how ubiquitous these protests have become, look at Altamira, a small but wealthy enclave in the capital Caracas that has become a hotbed of opposition activism.
Just a few steps separates the Canadian Embassy in Caracas from Altamira Square, the place that, for almost three consecutive weeks, has been a centre of protest, tear gas and demands by students and middle-class professionals alike. On the wall of the embassy is a hand-painted "No to dictatorship" that stands like a silent witness to the struggles of the day.
In Caracas, the road blocks have left some neighbourhoods entirely cut off from the rest of the city, and they have divided the country as well – neighbour against neighbour in some instances. Those taking over the streets say they are doing this because they have nowhere else to raise their grievances. But the tactic is not sitting well with everyone.
The fact that these demonstrations are mostly taking place in wealthier neighbourhoods is also pitting rich against poor to some extent. The wealth gap in this country is the dividing line that brought the late Hugo Chavez and his Bolivarian Revolution to power 15 years ago.
It is a revolution his chosen successor, Maduro, is hoping to continue. But he won a six-year term last April with only 50.6 per cent of the vote, just beating out Governor Henrique Capriles at 49.1 per cent, and it seems clear that the election battles are nowhere near being resolved.
President Maduro has denounced the protests, the worst since he took power 11 months ago, as "a fascist coup d'etat," and has been blaming his traditional enemies, Washington and former Colombian president Álvaro Uribe, for stirring things up. For his part, Uribe has called the government crackdown as bad as what is taking place in Syria.
The government is also cracking down on the media. National television is not showing many of the disturbances. And the signal from international news network NTN24, based in Colombia, was shut off national subscription television by direct order of Maduro himself. He has also taken legal action to boot CNN, one of the few North American outlets in Venezuela, out the country and restrict its reporting. Two weeks ago, following some of the worst of the initial violence, Twitter reported that the government was blocking some of the images being tweeted by its users. The government denied the accusation. Twitter penetration in Venezuela is the fourth-highest in the world.
According to the human rights group Foro Penal Venezolano, 732 people have been arrested across the country and 33 tortured. The government denies any torture, but the accusations from both sides are mounting. Last week, the international group Human Rights Watch said, "Venezuelan security forces have used excessive and unlawful force against protesters on multiple occasions since February 12, including beating detainees and shooting at crowds of unarmed people."
Following the first protests on Feb. 5, there were accusations that pro-government, pro-Chavista groups called colectivos, basically armed militia on motorcycles who had played a role in bringing Chavez to power, attacked civilians and broke into private residences. In the spike in violence surrounding the massive Feb. 12 march in Caracas, a well-known colectivo leader was shot and killed during a counter-demonstration, and the group was blamed for starting the violence in which two people were killed. All this is because it is the middle classes that bear the brunt of any economic downtrend and this back-bone of any economy was suffering in a manner that can at best be described intolerable